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exchanged based on verbal and nonverbal symbols on the concept of symbolic interaction (Mead, 1972;
Blumer, 1962), or vice versa. There were communication barriers in intercultural communication between
JWs and French locals (Barna, 1997), which affect JWs and French local’s attitudes toward Macak values.

Regarding Macak values, it was revealed that both Javanese and French women prefer a natural
appearance (Morris and Nichols 2013). Javanese women are proud of their brown skin since it is the
charm that distinguished Javanese women's attractiveness from French women. In intercultural
communication, appearance is important, since one’s body image and the satisfaction with it result from
comparisons with an implicit cultural ideal and standard (Gardiner and Kosmtzki, 2005). Furthermore,
Remland (2016) mentioned that the link between ethnocentrism and beauty arises from what is seen
as beautiful in one culture may look hideous to people from another culture.
Skin colour may also be the basis of the allocation of economic and psychological privileges to
individuals relative to the degree those privileges are awarded to valued members of the dominant culture
(Codina and Montalvo, 1994). According to Samovar, Porter, McDaniel, and Roy (2017), South Asian and
Chinese women often avoid sunlight so that their skin remains light. They, along with women from
Brazil, Jamaica, and India, were even using an assortment of creams and lotions as a means of achieving a
paler tone to their skin. Regarding the skin complexion, French spouses, and the French community
aspired to have a darker complexion like the Javanese. While all JWs have black hair, they coloured it to
conceal the uban (gray) hair, and they even dyed it at home because dyeing the hair at the salon is quite
expensive. Besides, JWs felt uncomfortable spending money for body treatment. In contrast, the French
ladies always make time and allocate some budget for salon treatments (Winfrey, 2008).
The judgment of beauty across cultures is a perception that is ripe for ethnocentrism. To
summarize, the JWs discovered similarities between the Javanese values of Macak and the culture in
France, and they adapted the Macak values. This is particularly in: (i) applying light makeup; (ii) dressing-
up naturally; (iii) drinking jamu; (iv) body treatments at home, (v) being proud of having different skin
tone; (vi) applying the new trend in France while prioritizing modesty in dressing; (vii) being proud and
still wearing batik by combining it with other clothes to make it more modern, and their spouse willing
to wear Batik with Sarimbit patterns for couple; (viii) adaptation on wearing kebaya at wedding; and (ix)
not losing their identity as Javanese women who are considered humble, polite, and have a good sense
of makeup and dressing.

Researchers mentioned that intercultural marriages couple couples will face unique challenges
stemming from a variety of values, perspectives, and communication styles (Cools, 2006; Oetzel, Dhar, and
Kirschbaum, 2007; Orbe and Harris, 2008). Recognizing the cultural distinctions between Java and France,
JWs also knew that they could not impose all Javanese culture on their children's education. On that note,
Javanese women, who were known for their adaptability and flexibility, instantly negotiated regulations
to make them more flexible in educating children according to the French culture, such as: dress etiquette,
not lifting their feet at the table, the usage of left or right hand, respect to the elderly, and understanding
the roots and origins of their mother’s culture. As a result, their children and spouses were required to
participate and integrated into Javanese culture to maintain family harmony (Lombard, 1996). As a result,
in intercultural marriages between Javanese women and French locals, the wife, husband, and children
must actively negotiate their positions towards a new culture that shall be accepted by all parties.

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